This is only a developed draft of a chapter of the book "How do Proper Namers Really Work?" (De Gruyter 2023). It was written before review.
V
SUGGESTING POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES
The issues to be addressed in this last chapter
concern possible consequences of our old style internalist-neodescriptivist
account of the semantic function of proper names for other terms of our
language. The proper name is a singular term. In the logic of our language, we
can clearly distinguish between singular and general terms.
Singular terms are those by which we identify only one object, distinguishing
it from a plurality of others, while general terms are those that can be
applied to more than one designatum,
allowing us “to say one over many” (Plato). Singular terms are of three kinds: indexicals,
definite descriptions, and proper names.
Theories of proper names always have consequences for the ways we
understand the mechanisms of reference of other terms. Hence, it is to be
expected that the adoption of a meta-descriptivist theory of proper names will
have consequences for our analysis of them. In what follows, I will not have
space to develop any orderly or detailed explanation of these consequences, but
I think I am allowed to launch some suggestions for later consideration. After
all, philosophy is by definition “work in progress”.
1
We
begin by taking into consideration the case of definite descriptions. By
definite descriptions, I do not understand referential, but rather
attributive ones. Referential definite descriptions are those that are used
indexically, to call attention to a person or thing, irrespective of their
content (e.g., ‘the man over there drinking a martini…’ pointing to a man
holding a glass of water), while attributive definite descriptions are those
used to assert something about whatever or whoever fits the proper meaning of
that description (like ‘the man in the iron mask…’, referring to a prisoner
forced to wear an iron mask). (See Donnellan 1966: sec. III)
There are also the two conflicting
influential analyses of attributive definite descriptions, which vary
particularly with the way they treat statements in which attributive
descriptions have empty subjects. The first was suggested by P.F. Strawson
(1950). For him a statement like
(a)
The present king of France is wise,
is
faulty in meaning, lacking a truth-value, since to be true or false it must
presuppose the truth of the existential statement (b) “There is a
present king of France”, which is false (1952: 185). The alternative way of
analysis was given much earlier by Russell’s theory of descriptions (1905;
1916: Ch. XVI). He would analyze a sentence like (a) as the conjunction of
three sentences: (i) there is at least one king of France, (ii) there is at
most one king of France, and (iii) he is wise. Using as the operator of
existence, F for the predicate ‘…king of France’, and ‘W’ for the predicate
‘…is wise,’ Russell would symbolize (a) as ∃x [Fx & (y)
(Fy → y = x) & Wx]. Since ∃x (Fx) is false, the whole set of
conjunctions is made false and, consequently, (a) any similar sentences must be
false.
Russell’s view was strongly defended by
Stephen Neale (1990), though the issue remains controversial. Although we are
unable to see sentence (a) as false, other sentences of the kind, such as: (b)
“The present king of France is an old man suffering from dementia”, (c) “The
present king of France decided to forbid tourists to visit the Versailles
Palace”, and (d) “The present king of France is sitting in that chair” seem to
be false, while (e) “The present king of France is not wise, because there is
no present king of France” seems to be true.
The most usual answer in defense of
Russellian analysis is pragmatic (Sainsbury 1979: 120-121; Blackburn 1984:
309-310; see also Russell 1957). According to it, we are used to saying that a
statement is false when the subject applies but not the predicate. Thus, the
statement “The Earth is flat” is immediately seen as false. But in empty
statements like “The king of France is wise”, the predicate cannot apply,
simply because the subject term does not apply, which causes confusion. But,
from a logical point of view, it seems more reasonable to conclude that in the
same way that a sentence is false when the predicate cannot be applied to the
object referred to by the subject, it will also be false when it cannot be
applied, because the subject term cannot be applied. After all, what counts is
whether or not the predicate applies – whether or not it is satisfied – and not
the reason involved. Perhaps this could explain why statements (b) to (e) are
intuitively seen as having truth-values: their predicates have more “semantic
weight” than the predicate ‘…is wise’ in the statement (a). They lead us to
focus our attention on the non-applicability of the predicates presented in the
statements.
Another influential objection made by
Strawson against Russellian analysis concerns the problem of unicity
(1950: 332). A statement like “The round table is covered with books” receives
the Russellian paraphrase (a) “There is precisely one (at least one and
no more than one) table, and it is covered with books”. Since there are many
round tables covered with books in the world, Russell’s analysis seems to be
wrong. The best strategy to solve this problem consists in contextually limiting
the domain of quantifiers (Cf. Ostertag 1998). Thus, in statement (a)
the domain of the quantifier can be restricted to the objects found in the
sitting room of apartment 408 of the Villagio di Milano… Calling a domain D,
the predication included in the definite description F (ex: ‘…a round table’),
and the additional predication G (ex: ‘…is covered with books), we can analyze
the description (a) as having the form:
There
is precisely one x belonging to the domain D, so that x is F, and
for any y belonging to D, if y is F, then y = x,
and x is G.”
I have found
no very convincing objection to this kind of answer.
Although I sympathize with Russellian
analysis, I am not sure of it, and here is not the place to attempt any
sustained defense of his view. My only aim here is to show that the
meta-descriptive view can be presented in a Russellian form, as was already
shown in my third chapter. Indeed, a natural way of extending this idea to
attributive definite descriptions would be to say that they must be analyzed as
expressing IR-descriptions (derived from MDRF) able to refer to
their object of reference – a description that, as much as it expresses the
core meaning of a proper name, should here express the proper meaning of the
attributive definite description. Assuming this, Russellian analysis can be
understood as a way of decomposing essential aspects of an IR-description and
affirming its effective application. This can be shown, insofar as we
reinterpret the conditions (i), (ii), and (iii) as saying that the ascription
rule of the predicate ‘…king of France’, when effectively applied to precisely
one object of reference, is transformed into an IR-description. Calling A =
‘…satisfies the property of being a present king of France’ (the characterizing
description), B = ‘…satisfies the ??? properties’ (the localizing description),
S = ‘the satisfaction of Ax ˅ Bx
is sufficient’ (condition of sufficiency), P = ‘(Ax ˅ Bx) satisfies x better than anything’ (condition of
predominance),
and W = ‘…is wise’, the empty statement “The present king of France is wise”
can be symbolized as:
∃x [(Ax
˅ Bx) & (Sx & Px) & (y) ((Ay ˅ By) & (Sy & Py) → y = x)
& Wx]
This
means that the same kind of Russellian analysis we gave to “Aristotle had to
leave Athens” can be applied to “The present king of France is wise”.
What about a definite description clearly
associated with a proper name? For instance, (a) “The author of the Nicomachean
Ethics had to leave Athens”. It seems plausible to think that we are
speaking about precisely one x, who was the author of the Nicomachean
Ethics, who was Aristotle, and who had to leave Athens. This is
contextually implicit. However, I think that Kripke equivocally treats (a) as
containing an autonomous description by supposing that in all
counterfactual situations (in all possible worlds) we should abstract the
information that Aristotle was the person who almost certainly wrote that book.
In this case, the description (a) should rather be presented as having the form
of the following identification rule: ‘There is one only person x who
sufficiently and predominantly satisfies the characterizing description of
being the author of the Nicomachean Ethics and/other works and also
satisfies some unknown localizing description, and this x had to leave
Athens’. This would be a one-foot autonomous identification rule, which must be
analyzed in the same way that we have the autonomous definite description ‘the
52nd Regiment of Fot’, that is, in the same way as we have analyzed
proper names. However, it is equivocal to treat (a) as if it were an autonomous
description, since it is literally meant as something loosely associated with
the proper name ‘Aristotle’ and its identification rule (see III, sec. 11, 12).
2
Now, I
would like to consider some consequences for indexicals, which can be defined
as those singular terms that allow us to identify different particulars through
the different utterances in which they appear. Examples of indexicals are
demonstrative pronouns like ‘that’ and ‘those,’ possessive pronouns like
‘mine,’ ‘yours,’ personal pronouns like ‘I’, ‘you’, ‘he’, ‘she’, ‘they,’
adverbs like ‘now’ and ‘tomorrow’… They are epistemologically relevant, because
it seems that through them the language, so to speak, touches the world.
Indexicals have admittedly two kinds of
meanings: the lexical function (also
called ‘character’ and ‘role’) and the semantic
content. The lexical function is something that does not change with the change of utterances. Because of this, we can
easily define them, at least in their standard uses – understanding by
standard uses those that are the most common and originary. Here are some
examples:
1.
The demonstrative ‘that’ has the lexical function of indicating a material
object physically near to the speaker (often accompanied by a gesture of
ostension).
2.
The personal pronoun ‘I’ has the lexical function of indicating who is uttering
something in the moment of utterance.
3. The
adverb ‘here’ has the lexical function of indicating the place of utterance.
4. The
adverb ‘now’ has the lexical function of indicating the time of utterance.
5. The
adverb ‘tomorrow’ has the lexical function of indicating the day after the
utterance.
Indexicals
also have secondary, non-standard uses. Consider, for instance, the greeting
message recorded on a telephone answering machine. When you call someone on the
phone, the recorded message says something like: “Thank you for calling, I am
not here now, please leave your message after the signal”. In this case, the
indexicals ‘I’, ‘here’, and ‘now’, have displaced functions: the personal
pronoun ‘I’ refers to the person who recorded the message days or weeks before,
not to someone speaking at the moment the caller reaches the desired telephone
number; the ‘here’ and the ‘now’ refer respectively to the present place and
time, not the place and time the message was recorded. Because of such
unpredictable cases, I find it advisable to distinguish standard usage from
secondary ones. Without this, no workable definition of lexical function would
be possible.
The question concerning the nature of
semantic content is more difficult. According to some externalist theorists,
the semantic content of an indexical is what Frege would call its reference (Bedeutung), while the lexical function
would be what Frege would call its sense (Sinn)
(Kaplan 1989: 520).
Here things seem to go wrong. After all, for
Frege the semantic content of the indexical seems to be its sense, since the
sense is the way the object is presented to us,
which if it is changed produces changes in the proposition (i.e., the Fregean
thought) independently of a real change in the reference. So, for instance, to
the sense belongs the presentation of an aspect of the referent,
like the Moon presented as the Last Quarter Moon, instead of the full Moon, and
to the sense belongs as well the presentation of the context of
the referent, like the Morning Star instead of the Evening Star. Contrastingly,
the lexical function is only a linguistic marker common to all indexicals of a
certain kind in their standard uses, being consequently unable to gain the
particularizing function of a Fregean sense. We can compare the lexical
function of an indexical rather with the standard function of a definite
description of being a nominal complex connoting a reference, or with the
standard function of a proper name of referring to only one object and
distinguishing it from a multiplicity of other objects.
The change in view suggested here leads us
to reconsider Frege’s short analysis of indexicals. According to him, an
indexical utterance has as its sense a proposition (a thought (Gedanke), in Frege’s nomenclature),
which will be atemporally true or false, since part of its expression is what
we could call its evaluative context (its truth-makers). Consider Frege’s
example:
(1)
This tree is covered with green
leaves.
According
to Frege, in this case, “the time of the utterance is part of the expression of
the thought” (Frege 1918, 66). That is, for him contextual elements like the
time in the evaluative context of the indexical utterance (and, we could also
add, the place), along with things like the gesture of pointing, are
non-linguistic parts of the complete sentence expressing the indexical
thought. A consequence of this is that the thought or proposition expressed by
(1) cannot be true in May and false in January, since in January the time will
be a different one, and so also the proposition or thought. This is a deeply
interesting idea, since it freezes the concept of a proposition as the proper
truth-bearer, making indexical propositions on a par with those propositions
expressed by eternal sentences – those that are fixedly true or false.
It is important to notice that unlike Frege,
we do not need to see the proposition or thought as an abstract (platonic)
state of affairs. Once we accept Donald Williams’ radical trope ontology, a
proposition must be seen as something like a set or class of tropical mental
contents which are precisely like one another, or, as I prefer to put it, as
any chosen mental tropical thought-content or any other tropical
thought-content precisely like the first one (Ch. III, sec. 2). Moreover, if we
accept a nuanced and contextually variable semantic verificationism, and not
the straw man that positivist philosophers and their heirs developed as a
machine gun to fight metaphysics, and later rejected, but as its real
discoverer, Wittgenstein, originally suggested with his examples, then the
proposition could be identified with the verifying rule of a declarative
sentence, (see Ch. I, sec, 4). The identities would then be the following: proposition
(thought-content) = cognitive sense of the declarative sentence = verifiability
rule.
Having this in mind, we can figure out how
we could replace the utterance (1) with an eternal sentence, a sentence
containing the Fregean thought expressed by (1), with a truth-value independent
of the context of its utterance. My suggestion is the following:
(2)
The speaker S at the moment T points to the place L
and says that this is a tree covered with green leaves (or: …and says: “This
tree is covered with green leaves”), because place L in fact contains a tree
covered with green leaves.
I
claim that sentence (2) is an eternal sentence, since it has frozen the
contextual dependence of the indexicals that appear in it. It contains more
than (1), obviously. But it also contains (1) as a that-sentence that belongs
to the eternal sentence (2) and does not depend on the indexically given
circumstances anymore. Indeed, in accordance with Frege’s analysis of
subordinate clauses, ‘that this is a tree covered with green leaves’ refers to
its own sense or thought (proposition). This means that, although (1) contains
the indexicals ‘this’, and the verb ‘to be’ in the present of the indicative,
these terms appear in (2) either within a subordinate clause referring to their
own senses, or (enclosed by comas) as what we today would call as a semantic-metalinguistic
sentence, in which these indexicals would also refer internally to their senses
in the proposition to which they belong. (See Frege 1892: 37 f.) Moreover, the
truth-pretension of (2) also demands the truth of (1): this pretension is
satisfied insofar as (1) should be made true by the final clause of (2),
according to which, place L must in fact contain a tree covered with green
leaves.
The same paraphrase suggested above can be
applied against John Perry’s very influential objections to Frege’s view of
indexical sentences (1977; 1979). Although I do not have space to object to
Perry’s multiple counterexamples, I can rebut the best known one (1979: 3).
He recalls that once while shopping in a supermarket, he noticed a sugar trail
on the floor. His thought was (3) “Someone is making a mess”. Then he decided
to follow the trail, looking for the responsible person. After steering his
shopping cart through a maze of supermarket aisles, he came back to the place
he started from, only to notice that the sugar was leaking from his own
shopping cart. His thought then changed from (3) to (4):
(4)
I am making a mess.
After
thinking (4), he immediately changed his behavior. The thought or utterance of
(4), Perry argues, cannot be substituted by any utterance that eschews the
indexical ‘I’, building something like an eternal sentence. If he replaces ‘I’
with ‘Perry’, this cannot be done in all contexts, since Perry could, for
instance, be suffering from dementia, having forgotten his name… The indexical
utterance cannot be replaced by a sentence that preserves its truth-value in
any context. Hence, he concludes, the indexical cannot be replaced by any
contextually independent eternal sentence. The indexical is essential.
However, sentence (4) is fully replaceable
by an eternal sentence, since it can be treated in the same way we treated
Frege’s example (1). This means that sentence (4) can be paraphrased through
the following eternal sentence:
5. At 10 a.m. on March 26, 1968, in the confectionery supplies section
of the Fleuty supermarket, in the city of Berkeley, Perry notices a sugar trail
stretching outward from his shopping cart and thinks that he is making a
mess (or: … and thinks: “I am making a mess”) and in fact, he is
making a mess by leaving a sugar trail from his cart.
Sentence
(5) contains (4). Although containing the pronouns ‘he’ or ‘I’, (5) is an
eternal sentence, since according to Frege’s semantics the pronoun ‘he’
referring to its own sense and, alternatively, the ‘I’ can be seen as mentioned
in a semantic metalanguage, the direct relations with their original indexical
contexts being suppressed. Other counterexamples given by Perry can be
paraphrased in a similar way. Even the truth-claim of (4) is preserved in (5),
since a match between the indexical proposition and the fact is linguistically
confirmed.
There are some objections that could be made
against the suggested paraphrase. The first one is that the content of (5),
although containing the content of (4), gives back much more than what is
contained in (4): it is almost certain that Perry didn’t know that he was in
the confectionary supplies section of the Fleuty supermarket at 10 a.m. on
March 26, 1968... However, what is so bad with this? One can even answer that
this kind of paraphrase is part of our common dialogical speech, for instance,
when someone tells the story of Perry’s amusing behavior in the confectionery
supplies section of the Fleuty supermarket. Even Perry, if sufficiently
informed, would tend to agree that the additional information is complementary
to (4) and that the truth of (5) implies the truth of (4). A further objection
would be that (5) does not give back Perry’s personal phenomenal experience
when he thinks or utters sentence (4). The answer to this is that personal
phenomenal experience is usually private and does not belong to the public
language, the only thing that really matters here, due to its communicative
function.
3
A
further point concerns Tugendhat’s (and Dummett’s) thesis that singular terms
must have identification rules. If so, then, considering that indexicals are
singular terms, they should also have identification rules. Moreover, if they
have identification rules, we can ask if they have localizing and
characterizing conditions similar to what we have found with proper names and
autonomous definite descriptions. I think that the answer must be in the
affirmative.
The reasons are all too obvious. Suppose
that I enter a French bakery, see a loaf of salt bread stuffed with goat cheese
and tomatoes under the glass, point to it, and ask: “Could you please give me
that?” The seller takes it, packs it, and sells me the loaf of bread I pointed to. Of course, as I pointed to the
bread, I created an identification rule for that object. The seller, on his
side, recognizes the same object and identifies it by its place and
characteristics in a way similar to the way I identified it. He used
essentially the same identification rule. Localizing and characterizing
conditions belong to that identification rule. They could be expressed by a
definite description: “The loaf of salt bread stuffed with goat cheese and
tomatoes that was found at place L and time T”. They belong conjunctively,
since without this rule it would not be easy to distinguish such a referent.
This simple example shows something about
the indexical ‘that’, namely, it must indicate the time and location of the
referent, together with a characterizing t-property or sets of compresent
t-properties (individuals). It could also be the case that I decide to bring
the loaf of bread home and put it in the refrigerator, so that the story of
buying the loaf of bread also belongs to my identification rule. Anyway, the
demonstrative ‘that’ replaces an identification rule that can be expressed by a
definite description. This shows us something about the genesis of definite
descriptions: they arise when we decide to fix indexicals linguistically to
communicate the same reference without the need to show the object of reference
to the hearer, as I expressed to the seller, or each time I intended to refer
to it indexically. Indexicals allow us to identify a referent within some
interpersonal context. But only definite descriptions allow us to refer to the
object even when this object is not given in the ego-centered space. It gives
the singular term what we could call constancy, though this constancy is
inflexible. Only proper names can give us constancy with flexibility.
4
We can
now go a step further to the case of general terms, which can be defined as
those that are applicable to an indeterminate number of objects, allowing us to
say, “the same of many”. This is the case of natural species terms like ‘gold’,
‘planet’, ‘tiger’, the case of mass terms (non-count ones) like ‘water’ and
‘air’, and the case of artifact terms like ‘chair’ and ‘house’. There is no
systematic classification of general terms. However, I think it is possible to
suggest a classification symmetrical to that of singular terms. This means that
instead of indexicals, descriptions and proper names, we would have three
classes of general terms, which we could call: (a) indexicators, (b) descriptivators,
and (c) nominators. Before giving a
rationale for these distinctions, I will explain them separately.
Indexicators are the simplest general terms;
they must be introduced by means of indexicals in a way that does not allow
further analysis in our natural language. This
is the case of terms like red, hot, hard, round, and square. These terms can be
further analyzed when they are used in additional domains of language, but not
with the meanings they have in the natural language in which they were
originally introduced. Consider, for instance, the word ‘red’. This term can be
analyzed in the language of physics, as designating electromagnetic wavelengths
that range between 630 and 740 nm. But the language of physics is an
elaboration upon natural language that goes far beyond it. The same can be said
about a term like ‘round’, which can be defined in the more refined language of
geometry as what is limited by a circular perimeter. However, these languages
are inevitably appended to the original language about colors and forms. In
their original natural language meanings, these words have gained their sense
by means of a kind of acquaintance, a
term introduced by Bertrand Russell. As he insightfully observed, a blind man
cannot learn the meaning of the word ‘red’, at least not in the original sense;
hence, learning this word requires some form of acquaintance. Accepting this, I
am of course not agreeing with Russell’s metaphysics of logical atomism,
according to which the meaning of ‘red’ is a sense-datum (1994: 194-5,
201-2). What I
wish to defend is that the original meaning of ‘red’ must be given by an
ascription rule relating physically given tropes of red, like the red of a
carpet, with the word ‘red’. This ascription rule must be learned through
positive and negative examples, in interpersonal acts of pointing, allowing the
possibility of reapplication, and by this means also of error and interpersonal
correction. This is how we first learn the ascription rule for a word like
‘red’ in the form of a tacit public convention. According to this reading, the
ascription rule of a general term of the form of an indexicator must be its
cognitive meaning, its semantic content.
Indexicators can also be understood in their
application to individuals, as in the sentence “This couch is red”, when the
speaker points to tropes of redness belonging to the couch. In this case, the
ascription rule should associate some remembered representation of red with
what the person is observing in her ego-centered space. But it can also be
understood as a non-realist kind of universal. When I say, “Red is a color”,
what I intend to say, according to Donald Williams, is that the universal
consisting in the class of all precisely similar tropes of red belongs to the
class of all precisely similar tropes of color.
We consider now the descriptivators. They
are general terms analogous with definite descriptions, though with
classificatory instead of identifying functions. Consequently, they must be
descriptive general terms provided with semantic complexity, able to be
analyzed, and whose learning does not need to be directly dependent on any
acquaintance with their reference. They easily take the form of indefinite
descriptions. For instance: ‘a dowry hunter.’ This expression can be predicated
to more than one object, for instance, to both David Sebastian and Zsa Zsa
Gabor as persons who marry for money. Descriptivators are linguistically more
stable than indexicators, since they do not depend directly on acquaintance: we
do not need an indexical situation to learn what a dowry hunter is.
There are, finally, nominators, also called
general names. Like proper names, their symbolic expression is not descriptive,
and they do not need to be learned in indexical situations like indexicators,
even if this might be the case. They should be analyzed in a way that retains
similarities with the way we have analyzed proper names; their meanings do not
come from their syntactic articulation. They can be natural species terms like
‘tiger’, mass terms like ‘water’, artifact terms like ‘chair’, social terms
like ‘professor’, cultural terms like ‘art’… Although these terms often seen
semantically simple, they are in fact abbreviations of indefinite descriptions
or even clusters of indefinite descriptions expressing a complex ascription
rule. Take, for instance, the nominator ‘cathedral’; its meaning can be given
by the indefinite description ‘a church that contains the cathedra of a bishop,
thus serving as the central church of a diocese, conference or episcopate’.
Here we have a descriptivator term; and it is easy to guess (though difficult
to prove) that if we analyze further and further the elements of this
indefinite description, we would end up speaking of indexicators.
We can justify the distinction among three
kinds of general terms as analogous to the distinction among three kinds of
singular terms appealing to a genetic progression. From a descriptivist
viewpoint, it seems very plausible to think that the use of indexicals
necessarily precedes the generation of descriptions, which in some way
necessarily precedes the generation of proper names. Through the indexicals, we
are presented with objects for the first
time. But the content of indexicals must be attached to the spatiotemporal
situation in which they are used, which means they are not permanent (e.g.,
“Who is that tourist in the group?”). They only gain the property of permanence insofar as they are made
context-independent by explicitly taking the form of definite descriptions (e.g.,
“Who is the tourist with an Australian hat in the group?”). Finally, they gain flexibility
because of their independence
from this or that definite description only when they take the form of a proper
name (e.g., “John is [the tourist with the Australian hat] in the group”). My
proposal is that a similar genetic progression can be found justifying the
emergence of general terms. The semantic contents of indexicators are
contextually and interpersonally given, differing from indexicals by their
applicability to many things without a change in content. They lack
permanence and flexibility since they are limited by ego-centered contexts of
use. The semantic content of descriptivators gains permanence; they can be
applied to tropes independently of the context of use in which they are
learned. Finally, the semantic content of nominators not only has permanence,
but also flexibility, since, as we will see, in many cases it can be replaced
by a variety of indefinite descriptions.
Furthermore, we can speculate as to whether
both singular and general terms do not have a common, undifferentiated origin,
later restricting the first to individuals only, while allowing the second to
have general application to tropical properties. Consider, for instance, the
alarm calls of birds. They mean the same as “here” (an indexical) and “danger”
(a general term), though without distinctions between subject and predicate. I
think that these undifferentiated terms were also what Ernst Tugendhat had in
mind with his concept of quasi-predicates (Quasiprädikate). As he
wrote:
Probably
one can say that the expressions of characterization of babies in the first
stages of their language learning have this form of application. The baby
learns to say “uau-uau” by seeing a dog, “mama” by seeing its mother when the
perception-pattern of the mother appears… (1976: 208)
These
undifferentiated terms work like singular terms, because they distinguish
something from all others, but they also work like general terms, because they
can be applied to a multiplicity of referents.
5
It is
particularly interesting to consider the case of nominators, since, somewhat
like proper names, they are as a rule only apparently simple. Consider, for
instance, the artifact term ‘chair’. This term can be analyzed as an abbreviation,
as shown by the following definition:
‘Chair’
(Df.): a non-vehicular seat with a backrest designed for use by only one
person at a time.
A chair
must be non-vehicular, since similar objects in cars, trains, and airplanes,
are called seats and not chairs. Moreover, to be a chair, a seat needs to have
a backrest, because without one it is a seat. It must also have a designer
since something that only by chance has the form of a chair (like a chair
accidentally carved by nature out of a large rock) cannot be called a chair.
And it must be made to be used by only one person at a time, since if it were
not so, a couch would be a chair. The above given indefinite description
expresses the criterial rule for the application of the word word ‘chair’,
which constitutes the semantic content of this general term. The word ‘chair’
is only an abbreviation of this definiens. It is a practical
abbreviation without much flexibility. Beyond this, there are symptoms that
help us to identify chairs, like the fact that most chairs have four legs, many
have armrests, some are cushioned, etc. This is the simplest case of a nominator,
where the word is the abbreviation of a complex indefinite description.
Cases of natural species are more
complicated. Some natural species concepts have nothing to do with
microstructural essences, at least in the ways they have been used until now.
This is the case of the biological concept of species (the genetic
structure is not taken as a definitory element of a species). A better example
is the concept of religion – a candidate for what Wittgenstein called
family resemblance. Tha philosopher P. W. Alston (1964: Ch. 6) proposed the
following descriptive model of criterial conditions for calling something a
religion:
1. Belief in
supernatural beings (gods)
2. Religious feelings
(reverence, adoration, sense of mystery, and guilt)
3. A moral code
sanctioned by God or the gods
4. Sermons and other
forms of communication with God or the gods.
5. A distinction
between the sacred and profane; ritual acts related to sacred objects.
6. A wide organization
of personal and social life based on such characteristics.
7. A cosmovision: an
explanation of the world and man’s place in it.
Alston
observes that Catholicism, Judaism, and Islamism, paradigmatically satisfy all
these conditions.
Protestantism, however, attenuates rituals concerning sacred objects, while the
Quakers reject them, concentrating on the mystical experience. Hinayana
Buddhism, he notes, dispenses with supernatural beings, emphasizing a moral and
spiritual discipline that aims to eliminate desires.
We can go further, asking what should be said
about Comte’s religion of humanity, which deifies human society, adopting
devotional figures like Shakespeare and Clotilde de Vaux? What about immanent
views of the divine, like Spinoza’s and Einstein’s religious attitude towards
the universe? What about social organizations like the Rosicrucians, radical
political groups, or the mathematical mysticism of the Pythagorean
philosophers? My proposal is that to get more clarity about all these cases, we
should add a higher-order condition, measuring the indefinite descriptions
presented in Alston’s model. Here is what we could call the ascription rule for
the concept word ‘religion’:
RA-‘religion’:
We use
the word ‘religion’ to refer to a t-complex property x belonging to the
genus of socio-cultural practices
Iff
(i) x satisfies at least one or two of the 7
first-order indefinite description-rules.
(ii) x satisfies them to a sufficient
degree.
(iii) x satisfies them more than any competing socio-cultural
practice.
If we accept this ascription rule, we will
include Comte’s religion of humanity under the concept of religion, since it
satisfies 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7 in varying degrees. We would have doubts concerning
Spinoza’s and Einstein’s religions, since they satisfy only condition 2
entirely, but just barely satisfy conditions 5, 6, and 7. Rosicrucians, radical
political groups, and Pythagorean mysticism would sufficiently satisfy some
basic descriptions, but they would not satisfy condition (iii) of the
ascription rule, since it applies less to other socio-cultural practices that
are respectively ‘secret organizations’, ‘radical political groups’, and
‘philosophy’.
Finally, it is interesting to note that this
kind of ascription rule is often explicitly used in science. Examples are the
criterial conditions for the diagnosis of Asperger’s syndrome in neurology
(Gillberg 2002: Chap. 2), and the revised forms of Jones’ criterion for the
diagnosis of rheumatic fever in internal medicine (Jones 1944).
6
A more
complex and maybe the most discussed general term in recent analytic philosophy
is that of water. From a descriptivist point of view, the conceptual
content or semantic-cognitive meaning of the concept word ‘water’ has evolved
historically. Since the stone age, humans have had this concept. It always was
the transparent, colorless, and tasteless liquid found in rivers, lakes, and
oceans, which fell to earth as rain, quenched thirst, irrigated flowers and
crops, and was used to wash things and put out fires. Around 1750, still before
the birth of modern chemistry, one could also add to these properties those of
being a liquid able to cause rust, conduct electricity and necessary to
maintain life. These were easily describable dispositional properties.
A descriptivist would say that at least some
central properties of this group, like (in a pure state) being transparent,
colorless, and tasteless… and the dispositional properties of quenching thirst
and extinguishing fires would be essential constituents of the meaning of the
word ‘water’. But from 1780 to 1830 there was a scientific revolution. In 1781
Lavoisier ignited a combination of hydrogen and oxygen, causing a chemical
reaction that joined the two elements to form water molecules, and in 1786 he
reversed the process to break water molecules into the two component elements.
In 1801, Nicholson and Carlisle obtained the same results through electrolysis.
In 1811 Avogadro concluded that the composition of water was HO1/2.
And in 1821 Berzelius corrected that result, showing that the chemical
structure of water was H2O, which we now accept.
Philosophers like Putnam would argue that
these discoveries put an end to descriptivism: the essence of water is H2O,
and this must be its real meaning. However, this argument would only impress
the naïve descriptivist. A more sophisticated descriptivist would see it as the
result of prejudice, retorting that a description does not need to be
restricted to what one sees with the naked eye; the word ‘description’ has a
much broader use, allowing its application to things invisible, like
microstructures visible only with the
aid of a microscope... As Avrum Stroll noted (1998: 71), all good modern
dictionaries include, along with superficial properties like being a
transparent liquid… the chemical structure of H2O, as well as other
chemical properties like the percentages of hydrogen and oxygen by weight.
My suggestion is that a sophisticated
descriptivist should not reject chemical properties in the case of water, but
rather incorporate them into descriptions expressing the meaning of the word.
From this perspective, in its present sense the word ‘water’ should have a
superficial and a deep nucleus of meaning. The superficial nucleus of
meaning is the popular meaning, already known in 1750, including
superficial dispositional properties. The deep nucleus of meaning would be the scientific
meaning, which could be summarized by the formula H2O, but
well-considered should include what privileged users, namely, chemists, know
about this compound (e.g. 2H2 + O2 = 2H2O),
together with the inferential relations between the superficial and the deep
nuclei of meaning (e.g. the high surface tension caused by cohesive interaction
between molecules). Now,
how could the ascription rule for the concept of water be formulated? My
tentative suggestion is that in its widest sense the concept of water could be
formulated in the following ascription rule:
AR-‘water’:
The
general term ‘water’ refers to t-properties belonging to the genus of an
inorganic compound in any sample x
(any sample identifiable through singular terms)
iff
(i)
x satisfies
the characterizing rules constitutive of its popular nucleus of meaning and/or
satisfies the characterizing rules constitutive of the scientific nucleus of
meaning
(ii)
in a measure on the whole sufficient,
(iii)
more than any other inorganic compound.
This
ascription rule for the concept word ‘water’ in the widest sense is to some
extent like the MIRF for proper names. However, it differs from the
last one by the fact that condition (iii) does not restrict the application of
the rule to a particular sample x. Moreover, the inclusive disjunction
creates room for compounds that lack either the popular or the scientific
nucleus of meaning, following in this way our intuitions. Indeed, it seems that
if we could have a cup of a watery liquid with all the superficial properties
of water, but different microphysical properties, for instance, with molecules
constructed according to some complex formula that could be abbreviated as XYZ
instead of H2O, we could still call it water. On the other hand, it
seems that if we had a liquid with no superficial property of water, but with
the deep property of being constituted by H2O, we could also call it
water.
It seems appropriate here to add a pragmatic
consideration. By speaking of water, we can have in mind the satisfaction of
superficial and/or deep properties, according to what could be called the context
of interest involved. Imagine a scientific context of students who know
some chemistry and are doing an experiment with electrolysis in the laboratory.
In this context, what counts is the scientific nucleus of meaning of the
compound, not the popular meaning since they are interested in using
electricity to split water into oxygen and hydrogen. The word ‘water’ is used
here essentially in the sense of ‘oxide of hydrogen’, which is a chemical name
of water, and this is what they contextually emphasize as the word’s meaning.
Suppose on the other hand, that the context is one of simple fishermen on a
remote island, who intend to dig a well to obtain water for drinking and
washing. In this case, the context of interest will elevate the value of the
superficial properties of water, since it is of no interest what chemical
structure the aqueous liquid has, insofar as it fully satisfies their
expectations (we can even imagine that they have no idea of the chemical
constitution of water). What they mean with water is simply the aqueous liquid
essential for life. What we mean with the word ‘water’ can remain general,
satisfying AR-water, but can also vary from ‘oxide of hydrogen’ to ‘aqueous
liquid’ according to the context.
The above considerations enable us to deal
with a dilemma that early descriptivists like A.J. Ayer (1983: 270) and
causal-referentialists like Kripke (1980: 128-9) and Putnam (1975: 215-271)
left unsolved. Let us suppose the two following imaginary situations (Costa
2014: 87):
(i)
A sample is found that has all the superficial
characteristics of water: it is transparent, odorless, tasteless, quenches
thirst, sustains life, puts out fire, etc. However, it has been discovered that
this liquid is not H2O, but XYZ.
(ii)
A sample is found that has no superficial
characteristic of water. It is black like pitch, does not quench thirst, does
not put out fire… but (very surprisingly!) has the chemical composition of H2O.
The
question is: which substance is really water: (i) or (ii)? Old style
descriptivists like Ayer would say that (i) must be water and not (ii), since
what defines water for them is only the superficial properties, not its
chemical composition. Causal-referentialists like Kripke and Putnam would say
that (ii) must still be water, but not (i), since only (ii) has the essential
property of water, which is that of being a compound with the microstructure of
H2O. This is a dilemma, because both alternatives seem to have some
appeal.
The assumption of AR-‘water’, along with our
pragmatic considerations, brings a solution to the dilemma. Both (i) and (ii)
are, in the wide sense of the word, samples of water. We can call the first
water-XYZ and the second water-H2O. Moreover, in a scientific
context of interest one can insist that the XYZ liquid is not water,
understanding by water the same thing as oxide of hydrogen or H2O,
while in a popular context of interest one can insist that XYZ is water,
insofar as it still has all its superficial properties, including those
satisfying our needs.
Another application of the proposed
descriptivist analysis of the meaning of water concerns the epistemological
status of the statement “Water is H2O”. According to philosophers
such as Kripke and Putnam, this is a necessary a posteriori statement,
since it is based on experience, but it is also necessary, since for them the
rigid designator ‘water’ picks out the same natural kind as the rigid
designator ‘H2O’ in all possible worlds… Avrum Stroll has noted
something interesting about that statement (1998: 73): the ‘is’ in “Water is H2O”
is not the ‘is’ of identity, as Kripke suggested, but the ‘is’ of constitution.
“Water is H2O” does not mean “Water = H2O”, but “Water is
made of H2O”. This is true, though it still seems possible to save
the identity by changing the identity sentence into “Water is the same as
quantities of H2O molecules” or something of the kind. Moreover,
even if the ‘is’ were one of constitution, “Water is H2O” would for
Kripke be a necessary a posteriori statement (see Burgess 2013: 65).
A difficulty often found in Kripke’s
necessary a posteriori is that what is necessarily true is what is true in all
possible worlds, and it seems that what is true in all possible worlds must
be known a priori (Stalnaker 1976). It seems that even if we arrived a
posteriori at some truth, it would be accepted as being a priori as soon as we
saw that it is true in all possible worlds.
It is interesting to consider the statement
“Water is H2O” in the light of our suggested analysis of the meaning
of H2O, since it allows an explanation that circumvents the problem
posed above. Accordingly, there must be three possible meanings of “Water is H2O”
(and also “Water is made of H2O”):
(i)
If by ‘water’ we mean AR-‘water’, the statement must
be contingent a posteriori, since the inclusive disjunction belonging to
AR-‘water’ allows the empirical possibility that water is not the same as (or
made of) H2O, but even so, remains water. It is seen as remaining
water, insofar as it still satisfies the superficial properties of being an
aqueous liquid. In this general sense, the liquid would remain water even if it
had the composition of XYZ.
(ii)
However, in a scientific context of interest in which
‘water’ means oxide of hydrogen, the statement “Water is H2O” would
be a necessary a priori statement, since it is seen as the same as
“Hydrogen oxide = H2O”.
(iii)
On the other hand, within a popular context of
interest, ‘water’ will mean ‘aqueous liquid’ independently of its chemical composition, which means that
the statement “Water is H2O” will, again, be contingent a
posteriori.
After
this analysis, the pressure for the acceptance of the necessary a posteriori
disappears, at least regarding the statement “Water is H2O”. Unaware
of the given distinctions, defenders of the necessary a priori are in this case
only unduly joining the necessity of sense (ii) with the a posteriori character
of senses (i) and (iii).
7
The
above discussed internalist understanding of the meaning of ‘water’ is
obviously opposed to Putnam’s well-known externalist view, according to which
“meanings just ain’t in the head” (1975: 227; 1988: 28). Here we must dwell on
his famous Twin-Earth fantasy. He imagines that in some part of the cosmos
there is a Twin-Earth, in all its details identical to ours, with one
exception: the transparent, tasteless, odorless liquid that quenches thirst,
puts out fires, falls to earth in the form of rain, fills rivers and oceans…
has a complex chemical structure that can be abbreviated as XYZ, which has
nothing to do with H2O. Suppose a person called Oscar on the Earth
in 1750 sees rain and says: “That is water”. At the same time, on the
Twin-Earth the Twin-Oscar does the same. He looks at the rain and says: “That
is water”. Since in 1750 the chemical structure of water was not yet known, all
that Oscar and Twin-Oscar can have in their heads when they say, “That is
water” is that they are looking at the same transparent, tasteless, odorless
liquid called ‘water’. However, as chemists some time later discovered, what
Oscar meant by pointing at the rain was the liquid with the microstructure H2O,
while Twin-Oscar meant a liquid with the microstructure XYZ. Since for Putnam
the essence of water lies in its microstructure, XYZ cannot really be water (he
calls XYZ ‘twin-water’). Consequently, Oscar and Twin-Oscar mean – refer to
– different things with the word ‘water’, although they have the same contents
in their heads (the same idea of a transparent, tasteless, odorless
liquid…) Putnam’s conclusion is that if they have the same thing in mind,
but what they mean are different things with different extensional
meanings, then the meaning of ‘water’ cannot be in their heads! It
must be something external to their head, the quantities of liquid with the
same structure that they are pointing at. The conclusion is that the meaning of
‘water’ must be external to our minds, which can be generalized to other terms.
It did not take much time until someone came to the conclusion that even our
minds must be outside our head, since the locus of meaning is the mind
(McDowell 1992).
There is an ongoing controversy about the
correctness of Putnam’s externalism (see Pessin & Goldberg 1996). I would
like to add here a short but, in my view, fatal counterargument. It begins with
a consideration of the ambiguity of the word ‘mean’ as used by Putnam. The word
‘mean’ has a twofold meaning: it means (i) ‘meaning’ (e.g., “What do you
mean with the word ‘ulotrichous’?”), but it also means (ii) ‘what one is pointing
at’ (e.g., “I mean that chair and not this table”). It is easy to confuse the second
with the first use of the word, concluding that the Oscars really mean (in the
sense (i) of ‘meaning’) different things, when in fact they only mean in the
sense (ii) that they are pointing at different kinds of things, since the meaning
they are giving to the word ‘water’ in 1750 is really the same, namely, the
transparent, tasteless, odorless… aqueous liquid. (Even regarding the cause
of their cognition, if questioned, they would identify it as the aqueous liquid
they see falling from the sky and not a subjacent microstructure…). However,
what this consideration, applied to the thought-experiment,
shows is that when Putnam says that in 1750 Oscar and Twin-Oscar meant
two different things with the word ‘water’, he:
induces
us to tacitly use Oscar and Twin-Oscar as indexical instruments for what we
ourselves presently mean (in the sense of ‘meaning’) with the word ‘water’
in each case. However, it is obvious that we, with our present knowledge of the
chemistry of water, mean by ‘water’ something with the composition of H2O
when we consider what Oscar is pointing at, and, having in mind what Putnam has
told us, we mean by ‘water’ XYZ (whatever it is), when we consider what
Twin-Oscar is pointing at. Since our
mental states are obviously different
when we think H2O and XYZ, Putnam’s thought experiment fails.
What was and remains different are the
references and the extensions of these two compounds, which always were, are
and will be external. Putnam’s argument is nothing but a sophisticated kind of
linguistic sorcery asking for careful linguistic Wittgensteinian therapy.
Putnam has also developed externalist
arguments to defend that the meaning can be in society. In the first
argument, he supposes that aluminum and molybdenum can only be distinguished by
metallurgists and that the Twin-Earth is full of molybdenum, a rare metal on
Earth. Moreover, he supposes that the inhabitants of Twin-Earth call molybdenum
aluminum, and aluminum molybdenum. In this case, the word ‘aluminum’ said by
Oscar will have an extension that is different from ‘aluminum’ said by
Twin-Oscar. But since they are not metallurgists, they have the same
psychological states. Hence, once again “the psychological state (the meaning)
of the speaker does not determine the extension of the word” (1975: 226).
In his second example, Putnam considers the
difference between an elm and a beech tree (1975: 226-227). Most of us do not
know how to distinguish elms from beech trees in a forest. Even so, we can use
these words, knowing that they have different extensions, that elms are not
beeches, and vice-versa. Hence, what we intend to say with these words, the
meanings that we attribute to them, are different, even if the difference is
not in our heads. Putnam notes that all we know is that an elm is a tree that is
different from a beech tree, and vice-versa, but since this difference is
totally symmetrical, the representations cannot be distinguished from
one another (1991: 29). We
need the linguistic social corpus to distinguish them for us.
His conclusion from these examples is that
“Only the sociolinguistic state of the collective linguistic corpus” to which
the speaker belongs will be able to fix its extension (1975: 228). Meaning is
not only external but also social: “reference is socially fixed and not
determined by conditions or objects in individual brains/minds” (1991: 25).
Concerning these last views, we have already
said enough when we made an internalist reconstruction of the linguistic
division of work applied to proper names in chapter III (sec. 9) of this book.
So, I will only answer Putnam’s last two examples against internalism.
Concerning the second example, the answer is
similar. We need to add that there is more in what we believe when we
distinguish ‘elm’ from ‘beech’ (or ‘aluminum’ from ‘molibdenum’). If someone
asks us about the difference between these two trees, we will answer that we suppose
that these terms refer to different kinds of trees, though we concede that we
are not sure. But what leads us to this hypothesis? I think a good reason would
be that these words are in fact not new to us, we have in our lives heard of
each separately, in different circumstances, which leads us to think of this
hypothesis. Hence, we have minimally two pieces of information: (i) elms and
beeches are kinds of trees; (ii) we suspect that they are different kinds of
trees. Information (i) already allows us to insert these words convergently
into discourse: we know that an elm cannot be made of molybdenum, for instance.
Information (ii) makes us think that they are different kinds of trees. And
this is all we need as a starting point. Yet, we can still be misled! It is
very possible that elms and beeches are different names for the same kind of
tree, in the same way as ‘calendula’ and ‘marigold’ are in fact the same kind
of plant, although possibly they do not appear to be. Putnam mistakenly takes a
plausible internal bet for an externalist form of social knowledge.
Finally, I think that the acceptance of a
trope ontology gives us a way to escape the conflict that supposedly bothered
Putnam and many others: They didn’t accept Fregean platonic entities like
concepts (Begriffe) or thoughts (Gedanken); and they also did not
accept that conceptual meanings could be rendered in the form of changeable
psychological states. Consequently, to go through these entities to the outside
world seemed to be a plausible alternative. However, if a conceptual meaning as
a universal is a class of precisely similar psychological tropes, we have a
psychological escape hatch without the corresponding psychological burden.
8
Another
attempt to show that thoughts are outside our heads comes from Tyler Burge.
Following John Searle, I have changed the example a bit to make it clearer.
Imagine that Bill, living in community A, searches for a doctor, complaining
that he has arthritis in his thigh. The doctor explains to him that arthritis
cannot occur in the thigh, since it is an inflammation of the joints.
Forgetting this conversation, Bill travels to a distant region of the country,
where there is a community B that uses the word ‘arthritis’ for pain in the
thigh. This time the doctor confirms his condition. According to Burge, such a
story shows that the content of thought cannot be in the mind, since
Bill has uttered the same sentence and thought about the same thing in the two
different contexts with opposite truth-values. If we remember that the
truth-value bearer is usually considered to be the content of a thought, the
change in the truth-value shows that the contents of the thoughts should be
different and, therefore, should not be in Bill’s mind.
The internalist answer is that what Bill has
in mind by thinking he has arthritis in his hips is more than that. As Searle
wrote: “the presupposition of commonality of linguistic usage is a general
background assumption, something that is prior to explicit beliefs and
thoughts” (2004: 185). In other words, Bill is also in his mind assuming that
his use of the word ‘arthritis’ is the same as the use of this word by the
community of speakers surrounding him. This explains why in the first utterance
his statement is true and in the second false. Together with this assumption,
the first of Bill’s utterances can be unpacked as follows:
(1)
I believe that I have arthritis in the thigh, assuming
that the word ‘arthritis’ is used by the surrounding linguistic community A as
something causing pain in the thigh.
While the same
utterance by Bill in the distant region of the country can be unpacked as
having the form:
(2)
I believe that I have arthritis in my thigh, assuming
that the word ‘arthritis’ is used by the surrounding linguistic community B as
something causing pain in the thigh.
Now,
the assumption is false in utterance (1), and true in utterance (2), which does
not matter, since the full statements (1) and (2) are already different, the
first referring to community A and the second referring to community B. They
have different truth-values simply because their full contents of thought are
different. And there is nothing external in this.
An externalist could react by arguing that
the semantic content of the indexical is already external, so that A and B
remit to ‘the actual surrounding linguistic community’, which belongs to an essentially
external, broad content. But the internalist could counter by answering
that this move is in no way granted. He is fry to internalize the concept of
broad content, suggesting that the internal indexical assumption is what we
use to name the broad content, while the also internal thought-content
that Bill has arthritis in his thigh is what we use to name the narrow content.
9
Descriptivism
implies internalism. So, I will finish these sketches by rebutting two
imaginative examples of David Kaplan in defense of externalism.
Removing
some rhetorical ornaments of the first example, imagine that a person, say,
Jim, points to someone on the street who seems to be Charles. Since Jim knows
that Charles has moved to Princeton, he says:
1*. He
moved to Princeton.
What
Jim does not know is that the person on the street is his friend Paul,
disguised as Charles. Since Paul didn’t move to Princeton, the proposition is
false. However, thinks Kaplan (1989: IX), if the proposition were mere
cognitive content, it should be true, since the belief Jim has is that Charles
has moved to Princeton. Hence, the semantic content involved must be in the
world outside, in what he calls a structured proposition, and not in the
belief-content.
The answer is that what authorizes Jim to
state that he (the person Jim is pointing to there) has moved to
Princeton is a previous visual (false) identification of Charles. Hence, the
statement (1*) is the result of intuitive reasoning, which could be stated as
follows:
1. That
person there is Charles.
2. Charles
moved to Princeton.
3.
Hence: He (that person there) moved to Princeton.
This
makes it clear that the statement (1*) does not involve in its semantic content
the view that Charles went to Princeton. Statement (1*) = (3), which is only
the result of reasoning from two other of Jim’s beliefs where (1) is false and
(2) is true, which makes (3) false. This shows that Jim’s belief that Charles
has moved to Princeton has nothing to do with the falsity of (3), which is
perceived by some other person.
The second argument concerns two identical
twins: Castor and Pollux (1989: 531-2). They are observed to have the same
cognitive-psychological states. At a certain moment, both say:
My
brother was born before me.
Since
Pollux was born first, Castor says something true, while Pollux says something
false. According to Kaplan, since the cognitive states are the same, the
difference in the belief-contents must be in the world outside, that is, in
what he called a structured proposition.
This argument only works if we take Putnam’s
externalist arguments seriously. If not, the idea that Castor and Pollux have
identical mental states but mean different things turns out to be gratuitous.
After all, through the expression ‘my brother’, Castor must have in mind Pollux
and Pollux Castor, and with the word ‘me’, each has in mind himself. Only the
linguistic-grammatical meaning of the two sentences is the same, and this
meaning is not sufficient to constitute a proposition or a content of thought.
ABOUT
THE APPENDIXES
The two
following appendixes are complementary to the text of this book in the
following ways. The first one shows that the view according to which abstract
entities like numbers can be adjusted to a trope ontology isn’t as absurd as it
seems at first view, since there is a plausible way to build natural numbers
from tropes. The second Appendix shows that the resource of sense data – even
from a direct realist point of view – is inevitable. From the point of view of
the philosophy of language this means that there is no reason to avoid semantic
internalism when it is called for.
APPENDIX
I: TROPICAL NUMBERS
There are many attempts to
define natural numbers. All of them defective. Although the present attempt is
only a sketch, I guess I know why all the others are defective: It is because
this is the right one.
I
Trope theory aims to give an
ontological account of the whole world based on empirical building blocks
called tropes. I characterize a trope as a
spatiotemporally localizable property, notwithstanding its vagueness. This
characterization is easily applicable to properties like qualities and forms,
external or internal, simple or complex, the last ones being homogeneous or
heterogeneous. It is also easily applicable to relational properties, insofar
as they are spatiotemporally localizable. Material objects are bundles of
compresent tropes. Even very diffuse things like the electromagnetic field of
the Earth or the Thirty Years War should be understood in tropical terms since
they can be seen as made up of very diffusely located spatiotemporal
properties.
A vulnerable point of trope theory is that it
seems unable to explain the so-called abstract entities like those of
mathematics. Against this limitation, my aim in this paper is to sketch a
strategy to explain natural numbers as tropes. This can be of obvious interest
since natural numbers are touchstones of mathematics.
II
A preliminary point concerns
the usual strategy to construct universals as sets or sums of strictly
similar tropes (Williams 1953 I:
9; Campbell 1981). The universal of redness, for instance, is the set of all
tropes of red that are strictly similar one another. However, this answer has
well-known shortcomings. First, some consider sets to be abstract entities,
universals in a Platonic or some Aristotelian sub-Platonic sense. Second, there
is a well-known problem concerning our treatment of strict similarities: Either
they are instances of the universal of strict similarity, contaminating
trope-theory with realism on universals, or they are also tropes. If they are
tropes, however, then two strict similarities between tropes must be strictly
similar one another, what commits us to conceding a second-order strict
similarity. But then we would soon need a third-order strict similarity of
second-order ones, falling into an infinite regress. A further problem is that
sets can change the number of their elements, which means that sets of strictly
similar tropes could easily change their size, while universals cannot change
their size since they do not have sizes. An appeal to open sets would not be
helpful since although they exist in our minds and as written symbols, it is
doubtful if they exist at the ontological level.
My way to deal with the problem is free from
these burdens. It is simpler and inspired in the particularism of English
empiricism. Instead of appealing to sets, I suggest that to build tropical
universals we proceed like a geometer building a proof by means of an example
drawn on a blackboard: the example serves as a model for all cases (Berkeley
1710, Intro., sec. 12). Doing so, all that we need in order to construct a
universal is just one trope that we arbitrarily choose to use as a model. Then
we define the universal as either this
model or any other trope that is strictly similar to this model. That is,
calling T
the trope T used as a model, we can define the universal as follows:
Universal for a
trope T (Df.): T* or any other trope strictly similar to
T*.
Giving a simple example,
suppose I am acquainted with a patch of vermillion of cinnabar, a very specific
color. Now, suppose I intend to use this trope as the model-trope Tv*. This
allows me to build the universal of this color as the trope Tv* or any other trope strictly similar to
Tv*. Certainly, Tv* in practice does not need to remain the same. You can choose
any other strictly similar patch as a model. That is, the models can be
randomly chosen. In this way, we are free from the urge to build higher-order
strict similarities, since we may consider any chosen trope T in terms of its
first-order strict similarity or lack of strict similarity with Tv*. Moreover,
there is no question about size in this operational view of universals, since
we dropped the appeal to sets.
III
Coming to our attempt to build
numbers as tropes, empiricist accounts can give us a first clue. Locke, for
example, saw the number as a primary quality (1690, Book II, Ch. Viii). Indeed,
the bed in my room has the property of being one, independently of the sensory
system of the perceiver. For applied
small natural numbers, this seems to work: I can perceive two, three, or even
six coins at a glance; and some savants
can perceive more than a hundred coins at a glance, although they are also
unable to perceive large numbers without counting. Penelope Maddy noted that
the ten fingers of her hands are located on her hands (1884: 87). Moreover,
applied numbers can even move together with their bearers. For instance, the 26
stones that make up Stonehenge were originally transported to Wiltshire from
Wales.
Although these applied numbers seem to
satisfy our definition of tropes, since they are spatiotemporally
localizable, they are surely not at the same level of the counted bed,
coins, fingers and stones. Since Frege, we have known
that applied numbers are dependent on the conceptual ways we have to divide up the
world. Thus, I count my 10 fingers but only my 2 hands, we count 26 stones but
only a
single Stonehenge in Wiltshire. Even if we agree to
consider these applied numbers as tropical entities, we must consider them
as dependent on
the kind of thing counted, namely, as higher-order properties of concepts
associated with the higher-order property of existence (Frege 1884: sec. 55)…
Now, understanding the concept (differently from Frege) as a conceptual rule, not as rule actualized in someone’s mind, but as a
dispositionally localizable trope, we can read existence as the (higher order)
property of this dispositional rule of its effective
or warranted application.
Moreover, this effectively possible application of a rule must be also a
higher-order localizable dispositional trope-property indirectly belonging to
what is said to exist, since it will be the higher-order tropical property of
such a dispositional conceptual rule of being applied in some domain, which the
real application of this conceptual rule proves. (Because of this, a
thing can exist even if its conceptual rule does not actualize, insofar as if
this rule were actual it would be effectively applicable to it, which makes the existence
of things independent of the actual existence of cognitive subjects or rules.)
Now, when we
count different applications of a conceptual rule, what we get are applied
numbers added to existence. Consider, as Frege would do, the case of the empty
concept of ‘moons of Venus’. Symbolizing the conceptual rule for ‘moon of
Venus’ as V, we can symbolize the idea that Venus has 0 moons as ~∃x (Vx). The concept ‘moons of Earth’ applies to only
one object. Symbolizing the conceptual rule expressed by ‘…moons of Earth’ as
E, we can render the idea that the earth has one moon as ∃x [Ex & (y) (Ey → y = x)]. Symbolizing the conceptual expression
‘…moons of Mars’ as M, we can symbolize the idea that Mars has two moons as ∃x [(Mx) (My) & ~(x = y) & (z) (Mz → (z = x) v (z = y))]… For
higher numbers and more complicated statements a similar method can be easily
conceived. Important is that these existences and applied numbers can be seen
as spatiotemporally localizable higher-order possible properties or tropes
belonging to possible first-order tropical possible conceptual rules. The
number 2 associated with the concept ‘moons of Mars’ applies to Phobos and
Deimos, for instance, means that this applied number is located presently and
in the surroundings of Mars and not in a distant Galaxy in a remote future or
in a Platonic heaven. Our only moon
exists circling the earth and this existence is not in Andromeda. Finally,
there are the 0 moons of Venus, in the sense that the
conceptual rule of ‘moon of Venus’ isn’t effectively applicable to its
surroundings as expected.
After identifying the applied natural number with the dispositional
tropical property of the enumeration as an idealized counting of the effective
application (existence) of dispositional tropical conceptual rules, what we
need to do is to separate (or abstract) the numerical trope from the
dispositional tropical conceptual rules in question and the dispositional
application of them as attributions of existence. I suggest we
can represent in a separated form these numerical tropes as spatiotemporally
located dispositional sets-tropes of
applications that in this way represent applied numbers separated from
their associated conceptual rules. So, we can represent the numerical property
of not being locally applied of the conceptual rule of ‘Venus’
moons’ using a set containing as its only member the lack
of the applicability of an attribution of existence or {~a} (= 0). We can
represent the numerical property of being locally applied only once, using the set that contains only one application of some
conceptual rule or: {a} (= 1). We can represent the property of being applied
twice using the set that contains a double trope of application or {a, |a|} (=
2). We can represent the property of being applied three times as the set {a,
|a|, ||a||} (= 3), and so on. Since {a, |a|, ||a||} (=3) contains {a, |a|} (=2)
that contains {a} (=1), each new representation shows the right kind of
complexity, containing its
antecedents. Moreover, it is essential to see that although
we are here distinguishing applied numbers by means of sets, these are not pure sets! (We are not trying to
build natural numbers from nothing, as do mathematician
like von Neumann or Zermelo have attempted, beginning with the null set.) We
are dealing with spatiotemporally located sets of higher-order trope-properties
of ideally countable applications of conceptual-rules (I say ideally countable because great natural
numbers are not countable to human beings). The two-members set-trope of Mars’
moons is spatiotemporally located around Mars, the one-member set-trope of
earth moons is spatiotemporally located around the earth, and the null-member
set of Venus’
moons is a set of non-applicability, since there isn’t any moon
spatiotemporally located in the surroundings of Venus, as expected – no
numerical tropes are
to be found in the location.
IV
At this point, a mathematician could object that we
have explained only applied, not abstract numbers. Mathematicians are not
interested in counting the number of fingers on their
hands. When they perform
the addition 7 + 5 = 12, they are considering numbers in
abstraction from
conceptual divisions of the world. What really matters, they say, are
the numbers of abstract arithmetic, the universals, the numbers-in-themselves, independently
of their satisfaction by ideally countable material objects. Reducing numbers
to numerical sets of located applications, we explain an applied number but not
what is common to all equinumerous applied numbers. The natural number 3, formulated as {a, |a|, ||a||} is a triad, but not what is common to all triads,
namely, the universal three, the three-in-itself.
The proper way to represent what is common
to all triads seems to be the appeal to things like a Russellian set of all
sets of the same kind. However, this seems to lead us to his conclusion that
the universe has an infinite number of objects (1919, Ch. XIII), which is too demanding, considering how infinite an actual infinite must be. Moreover, without
assuming tropes, these sets seem to be
abstract objects. In any chosen way, we seem to overpopulate our world with an infinite number of abstract objects.
However, in the same way as we have
constructed universal quality-tropes without appealing to sets, we can also
construct universal numerical tropes without appealing to sets. As we have
seen, an applied natural number can be understood as a trope, since it is
spatiotemporally localizable as a second-order numerical property of a
dispositional conceptual rule resulting from its (ideally countable)
applications. Consequently, in order to account for the universal as the
number-in-itself, we can also appeal to our disjunctive device.
In
this case, for instance, it is conceivable that the number 2 in itself would be
a disjunction between a set instantiated by a chosen located higher-order
set-trope of enumerable dispositional applications used as a model (e.g., the number 2 in the statement ‘I
have 2 hands’) or any other strictly
similar (equinumerous) located set-trope. Now, in order to get the number 2 as
the ‘abstract universal’, the so-called ‘2-in-itself’, all we need to do is to
apply the same procedure we have applied to get universals from our usual
quality-tropes to a numerical set-trope of located applications {a, {a}}
understood as a selected model. For instance:
Number 2 (Df.) = a selected model understood as
a higher-order set-trope of located countable applications {a, |a|}*, or… any further higher-order set-trope of located
countable dispositional applications strictly similar (equinumerous) to {a,
|a|}*.
In
this sense, the natural number as a universal (or ‘abstract object’) can be
defined as:
A higher-order located (ideally) countable set-trope
taken as a model or of any
higher-order located (ideally) countable set-trope strictly similar
(equinumerous) to the model.
Note
that such a universal or abstract object remains empirical since it is a
higher-order disjunctive numerical set-trope of located dispositional
applications that can be found as something dispersed across our whole
spatiotemporal world.
Assuming
a definition like that, we neither stumble over controversial pure or infinite
sets nor seem to remain limited to particular instances or directly committed
to any empirical constituent of material objects. The foreseeable conclusion is
that even the abstract world of mathematics is built of thin higher-order
tropes. Such tropes, like some others, would be situated at the peak of a
building whose originating genetic-epistemic foundations are our more feasible
perceptually given quality-tropes, although retaining the distinctive property
of being spatiotemporally located, even if in an extremely diffuse way. A final
advantage of the proposed view is that it is consonant with the applicability
of mathematics to the empirical world. Mathematical entities are applicable
because, like all in our world, they are made up of tropes.
APPENDIX II
NON-NAÏVE DIRECT REALISM
My
intention here is to show that we can reconcile direct realism with the idea that we in inevitably perceive the
external world through a “veil of sensations” (of sense data). It is
difficult to say something really new about the classical philosophical problem
of perception. Aware of this, my goal here is to highlight some points in
defense of a “non-naïve” direct realism.
1.
Janus Face thesis of perceptual
experience
My
understanding of direct realism is grounded on two theses. I can state the
first now: everything experienced in normal perception has a kind of Janus
face. That is, we can conceive the phenomenally given in sensory-perceptual
experience of the outside world in two different ways (Costa 2018, 419 f.):
(A)
As the psychological experience of cognitively dependent internally given sensory contents (more often called sense data).
(B)
As the proper perceptual experience of cognitively-independent, externally
given perceptual contents (understood
as physically singularized entities).
Psychological
experience (A) gives us what we may call sensory impressions or contents (also
called sense data, sensations, sensa, qualia, ideas, phenomena…). Today it is
beyond doubt that sensory contents are always present in perceptual experience.
Although in the past many philosophers denied the existence of sensory contents
(understood as sense data) as those sensory contents given in (A) as
necessarily accompanying proper perceptual experience (B), I defend the view
that today the issue has been definitively settled by neuroscience, at least
regarding visual experience. The computational reconstruction of moving mental
images taken with BOLD fMRI by reading brain activity first made at the
University of Berkeley was able to show moving visual images formed in the
brain when a person sees objects or watches a film (Gallant et al. 2016). After
experiments like these, who would dare to doubt the existence of sense data
accompanying perception?
However, thesis (B) also seems beyond doubt:
it is the idea that in addition to sensory experience, when we perceive
something, this something is given to us as an external entity. Indeed, it is
also a commonsense truth to say that we usually perceive the external world as
it really is, constructed of mind-independent entities like material objects
and their singularized properties.
The clearest evidence favoring this double
view is tactile experience (Cf.
Searle 2015: 24). Suppose I touch a hot stove with my hand. I can say I have a
sensation of heat: this sensory-impression is the psychological internal
sensory-content of experience (A). Alternatively, and correctly, I can also say
that I have perceived that the stove in itself is hot; this is the correct
perceptual experience of the externally given physical entity (B). The
essential to be noticed in this example is that in the normal case we are
unable, as John Searle would note, to phenomenally
distinguish experience (A) from experience (B). The content seems to be the
same, though differently understood. Thus, in a similar way I can say:
(A)
[I feel that] I am holding a tennis ball in my hand.
(B) I am holding a tennis ball in my hand.
Now,
of auditory experience, I can say:
(A)
[I have the auditory impression that] I hear thunder.
(B) I hear thunder.
And
of the most common visual experience, I can also say:
(A)
[I have the visual impression that] I am seeing a fishing boat entering the
mouth of Pirangi River.
(B)
I am seeing a fishing boat entering the mouth of Pirangi River.
As
you can see, the phenomenal descriptions outside the brackets are the same, but
in the (A) cases, I speak of sensory contents occurring in my head (sense
data), while in the (B) cases, I speak of independent factual contents
pre-existing in the external world. The real thing (B) is cognitively dependent
on sense impressions (A), since without (A) I couldn’t know (B). On the other
hand, sense impressions (A) are causally dependent on (B), which causes (A).
These conclusions lead us to our second thesis.
2.
Thesis of the cognitive primacy of
sensory content
Along
with the thesis of the Janus face of content in the case of real perception, I
will defend the epistemic thesis of a
cognitive primacy of sensory content. The conditions in which sensory
content or sense data can be interpretatively resituated as perceptual content
are the conditions in which sensory content is a medium through which
perceptual content can be given by us. This thesis of cognitive primacy of
sensory content can be complemented with a thesis of the causal primacy of perceptual content in the case of real
perception, which is its ontological counterpart.
I can illustrate how harmless the above
duplicity is by comparing it with the kind of doubling that occurs in our
interpretation of objects we see in a mirror. What we see in a mirror can be
interpreted as: (A’) a simple image of things, for instance, the image of a
vase of flowers on a table. But it can also be seen as: (B’) the vase in itself
that I am seeing in a mirror. For instance, I can point to an object I see in a
mirror, and you can ask me if I am pointing to the reflected image of the vase
of flowers or to the real vase of flowers behind me. That they belong to
different domains is made clear by functional differences: the image isn’t
considered real, because it has a changeable size, we cannot touch, smell or
break it. The real vase of flowers, on the other hand, has an unchangeable
size, and can be touched, smelled, directly seen from all sides, manipulated,
broken, etc.
However, by looking at the mirror, we would
not be able to see the vase on the table without the help of the image; and the
elements and relations between both will coincide, at least partially. As in
the case above, (B’) is cognitively dependent on (A’), because without the
image (A’) you couldn’t see (B’). Alternatively, (A’) is causally dependent on
(B’). This is why when you pay attention to an object in a mirror you see it as
perceptually dependent on its image, but when you pay attention to the image,
you see it as causally dependent on the real object. You can easily say that
you see the reality through the
image. But you will never say that you cannot see the vase only because what
you really see is only its image. Moreover, you can also say that you are
seeing the real vase directly by means of
its image, at least if you compare it with the same vase seen in a photo or a
picture. You can see either the real vase or its image – but not both together.
And the mirror-image also shows that our experience is perspectival. What we
see are typically facets, aspects.
The analogy shows how we pass from the
mind-dependent to a mind-independent interpretation of phenomena. We can
observe an external factual content by means of its phenomenal experience as
involving a purely sensory content, which is internal. The phenomenon of
post-images illustrates the point clearly: after looking at the sun very
briefly one can close one’s eyes, and the image of the sun does not disappear
immediately. As we will see, the dichotomy considered above is also important
because it is a condition for the defeasibility of observational evidence: it
allows us to explain why evidence can deceive us.
Beyond the analogy, we can consider the case
of the contextual differences between sensory experience and perceptual
experience. When we compare sensory content with perceptual content, we can see
that here there are also clear conditions to distinguish the first from the
second. Together these conditions, which were already listed by philosophers
like Descartes, Locke, Hume, Kant, Frege, and G. E. Moore, form what we could
call the reality criterion (Cf. Costa 2018; 435-6). Based on them I
can conceptualize the reality criterion as the conjunction of the following
four conditions for the diagnosis of external reality. The first two are
conditions of externality and can be spelled as:
1.
The content must be given independent
of our will,
2.
The content must be capable of being
object of interpersonal agreement under suitable circumstances.
The
second two conditions constitutive of our criterion of reality are the
following conditions of reality:
3.
The content must be given to us in
its most intense degree and detail, and often in co-sensorial modus.
4.
The content must obey the laws of
nature, it must display expected regularities of different forms, must be also
contextually coherent.
Once
the phenomenal content given to experience satisfies these four conditions conjunctively, we are usually
allowed to interpret the content as being “the real thing”: an externally given
perceptual content, that is, an object, a singularized property (trope), an
event, a state of affairs, a process... It is fundamental that the satisfaction
is conjunctive, since when satisfied separately, these criteria can be only
symptoms
unable to warrant external reality (there are intense hallucinations, there are
ways of controlling external reality using only the activation of the motor
cortex, interpersonal hallucinations are possible under the influence of drugs,
a very tedious dream can display usual regularities…). When a person has a
dream, the person has sensory content without perceptual content. In a dream
usually only condition (1) (of externality, it seems external) is satisfied. In
the case of alcoholic hallucinosis not only condition (1) but also condition
(3) (the images seem to be quite real) is satisfied, though not (2) and (4). We
can say that in usual circumstances the satisfaction of the criterion of
reality simply defines what is
externally real. On the other hand, before the computational reconstruction of
brain images, the thesis that sensory content exists, acting like a medium to
be projected on the real world in real perception could be more easily
contested.
As in the case of mirror images, the
perceptually real content inferred from the conjunctive satisfaction of
conditions (1) to (4) is cognitively (epistemically) dependent on pre-existing
sensory content, which does not conjunctively satisfy conditions (1) to (4),
but does satisfy criterial conditions for sense data, like that of being
susceptible to the computational imagistic reconstruction of brain activity.
And also in the same way as in the case of mirror images, sensory content can
be shown to be causally (ontologically) dependent on pre-existing external
perceptually real content (which does conjunctively satisfy conditions (1) to
(4).
3.
Response to the argument of Illusion
There
are, however, two traditional arguments designed to show that the kind of
direct realism suggested above must be wrong, and it is advisable to answer
them here. They are the famous argument of illusion and the argument of
science.
I begin with the famous argument of
illusion. It usually concerns cases of perceptual illusions in which what we
think we perceive is not what we should perceive, particularly in the extreme
case of hallucinations in which we only imagine we perceive something. The main
goal of the argument of illusion is the replacement of direct realism by indirect realism, according to which we
perceive the objectively real world indirectly through the “veil of sensations”
constituted by sensory perceptions or sense data.
There is an extensive philosophical
literature aiming to show that the argument of illusion is fallacious, and we
do directly perceive things around us as they really are. In my understanding
of direct realism, I do not wish to deny that there are sensory impressions or
sense data. I do not even wish to deny that we perceive the world through a
“veil of sensations” or sensory perceptions or sense data, since by accepting
(A) I have accepted these conclusions. What I reject is the claim that these
things make our perception indirect, which is the basic claim of indirect
realism. For we never say we perceive our sensations; what we might say is that
we perceive the world directly through, or by means of, or by a contextualized
interpretation of what we receive as our sensations or sensory impressions.
This suggests that the fact that we can show we perceive the external world
through a “veil of sensations” doesn’t make our perception of the external
world indirect, and it is a category mistake to defend this view. Put simply:
the central problem with the argument of illusion is that it is based on a
misunderstanding of the semantics of our concept of being direct. Consider the
following two sentence pairs:
1.
The trip is direct (the bus travels directly from Constance to Munich with a
lunch stop of thirty minutes).
2.
The trip is indirect (first you take a bus from Constance to Lindau, then a
train to Munich).
1.
The bullet struck the victim directly (after piercing window glass).
2.
The bullet struck the victim indirectly (after ricocheting off a wall).
These
examples show that what makes some relations direct is not necessarily the fact
that we cannot find intermediaries between the relata – they very often exist and there can be more than just one.
Directness/indirectness is an essentially conventional distinction that depends
on the relevance of the intermediaries for what we aim to consider.
In the case of perception, conventions allow
us to say that we perceive things around us directly, even if by means of
causal processes involving a number of intermediaries. And there is nothing
wrong in accepting the view that we perceive things directly by means of sense
data or through a “veil of sensations,” just as much as there is nothing wrong
in saying that the victim was struck directly by a bullet, though it first had
to go through window glass.
Having in mind what I just said, I will
consider only a few well-known examples of the argument of illusion, showing
where they fail to prove that perceptual experience is indirect:
EXAMPLE
1: If with closed left eye I press the side of my right eye with my right
finger, I have the impression that things in front of me move in the opposite
direction. Consequently, what I see directly are only images of things, that
is, sensory impressions, and not things as they are in themselves.
ANSWER:
Even if I show by pressing my eye that I see things moving through my visual
field, this does not mean that I am not seeing the things directly. In fact, I
can even say, ‘I see external things directly and precisely as they are,
although they seem as if they were
moving.’
EXAMPLE
2: If I hold my index finger fifty centimeters from my face and look at the
other end of the room, I see two images of index fingers when focusing on the
far wall. If I then focus my eyes on the finger, the two images merge into a
single image. Since they are not phenomenally different in the two cases, I
conclude that what I really see are sensory impressions of my index finger,
even if I can locate my finger through these sense data.
ANSWER:
As Searle has noted, I can instead say, ‘I do not see two fingers… I am
directly seeing my index finger as if it
were doubled.’
EXAMPLE
3: I look at a coin that I am holding at an angle. I know it is round, but it
appears elliptical. Indeed, only occasionally do I see a coin with a round
form, which is called its real form. So, what I primarily see are my sensory
impressions.
ANSWER:
About the form of the coin, it appears elliptical, but I can say that I
directly see a round coin that only looks
elliptical because it is being held at an angle. – As A. J. Ayer noted,
what we consider to be real is often a question of convention (Cf. Ayer
1973, Ch. 4). We have the convention that the real form of a coin or a table is
the form we see when we look at them from above. In the same way, we have a
convention that the real form of a mountain is the form we see when looking at
it from the ground below it at a distance, but not an aerial view from above (e.g., Matterhorn, Sugarloaf). The real
color of a tropical mountain is normally green, even if it may seem blue when
viewed from a great distance, etc.
EXAMPLE
4: Suppose I have a perfect hallucination of a white horse. What I see is not a
real white horse, but only a hallucinatory image. Since this image made of
sense data isn’t different from what I see when I see a real white horse, the
primary object of perception must be my sensory impressions or sense-data.
ANSWER:
Finally, in the case of a hallucination, it is simply wrong to say that I see the content of my hallucination. I only
believe I see it, when in fact there is nothing there to be seen! Verbs like
‘seeing,’ ‘perceiving,’ ‘being aware of’ are primarily related to the factual,
objective content, and not to a merely sensory content. Even if it is through
sensory content that we have perceptions of things, this does not make our
realism indirect. In a similar way, when we say that a bus made a stop of thirty
minutes for lunch, this does not mean that the bus trip was indirect.
Summarizing:
we perceive things directly, even under misleading conditions like those of
delusions, which justifies the direct realist view of whatever is given in
perception. Nor does this means that there cannot be an irrelevant veil of
sensory impressions or sense data in-between, being interpretatively relocated
as constituents of objective reality. This justifies my psychological
interpretation (A) of a given content as based merely on sensory data, without
forcing me to reject interpretation (B).
4.
Response to the argument of science
Finally,
a word about the argument of science. According to this argument, perceptual
experience depends on the stimulation of distal neuronal cells that in the end
leads to the stimulation of cortical regions in the brain. In the visual case,
as far as I know, it seems that what we call sensory impressions or sense data
has much to do with the activation of the striate cortex, because the
stimulation of this region without the activation of photoreceptors in the
retina is apt to produce hallucinatory phenomena (Teeple, Caplan, Stern 2009:
26-32). The conclusion of this argument is that our experience is in fact the
experience of something occurring in our brain, which is nothing but the
experience of sensory impressions or sense data. Consequently, our direct
experience can only be one of these sensory impressions occurring in our brain.
From this it should follow that we cannot have a direct experience of the world
around us; it also follows that we cannot have any warrant that our contents of
experience reflect the way the external world really is. We cannot even be sure
of its real existence. Worse yet, we may be led to the incredible conclusion
that since our brain also belong to the external world, we cannot even be sure
that our brain exists... All we can be sure of is that there are all these
changing flocks of sensory impressions!
The answer to the argument of science is
that there is nothing semantically wrong in saying that we directly experience
things given in the external world, even if this experience requires underlying
neuronal work as intermediary means. In the case of visual perception, the
relevant point is that the sentence ‘I directly see the object’ belongs to our
ordinary language, while expressions like ‘by stimulating of distal neuronal
cells…’ or ‘through activating the striate cortex…’ indicate underlying intermediating
neurobiological processes responsible for this direct experience, expressible
in a neuroscientific language with a very different semantic import. The
argument of science is based on a confusion between ordinary and scientific
languages.
5.
Phenomenalist objection
There
is still a phenomenalist objection. The objection can be expressed as follows:
The internal contents, the sense data, are of a mental, psychological nature.
If through the satisfaction of a criterion of external reality, they are
interpreted or projected as external, turning into external contents – for
instance, this computer with its singularized properties like weight, hardness,
colors, luminosity, forms… – then these
contents must remain mental or psychological. This means that the external
world is phenomenally constituted by internal, mental constituents, which are
externalized sense data! This means idealism, if not also solipsism.
Against this radical view there is a Kantian
middle way solution: what we usually call the external world is constituted by
mental phenomena, though there is something beyond them that is the world as a
thing-in-itself (Ding an sich), an x that is beyond cognition. This
thing-in-itself is noumenal, that is,
it must be beyond the phenomenal domain, which also means beyond the reach of
our knowledge. In this way, grounding what we know by means of what we do not
know, Kant arrives at his transcendental idealism. This would be the most
reasonable way to solve the problem.
The answer one can give is that, although
this seems to be the most reasonable solution, it creates another equally
serious difficulty. How to justify the existence of this thing-in-itself? Is it
not an odd, empty hypothesis that cannot be proven and is consequently
senseless? One answer to the problem is that the thing-in-itself should not be
thought of as a real thing. It must be thought of as something dim, like the
reverse side of a sheet of paper, when the first side is the phenomenal side.
But then, how can we know that our phenomenal world is like a sheet of paper
wich has another side so that we not even know what kind of thing the other
side is? The metaphor thus does not seems helpful.
From my side I do not believe we need to
fall into the traps of transcendental idealism in order to solve the problem.
When the content of sensation, the sense data, the qualia, satisfies the
criterion of reality, that is, the conditions of externality and reality, it
can be interpreted-projected-relocated as something qualitatively identical in
the external world. This content, when considered as satisfying the criterion
of reality, is simply defined as an
external spatiotemporal singularized property (trope) or a bunch of external
compresent singularized properties, namely, as a material object, or as any
combination of these two things building external empirical facts (states of
affairs, events, processes…).
My proposal is that with this kind of direct
realism we not only have the cake but also permission to eat it. But isn’t this
just a hat trick? My answer is that if it is “magic”, it is the sort we find in
everyday life. If the sensory impressions satisfy the criteria of external
reality, this allows us to reinterpret them as aspects of things belonging to
the external world, that is, as external physical contents.
Finally, we could suggest that there is an
ontologically deeper glue joining these contents, which is that both are made
up of singularized properties (tropes): the external content must be in some
way made up of external singularized properties that are physical ones, while
the internal content must be made up of internal singularized properties, which
from our perspective are mental or psychological ones, though constituted by
physical tropes. Because both contents are structures made up of properties singularized
in space and time, they share enough to make justified our cognitive access to
the external world. The fact that we do not yet know how it is does not impaire
the fact that it must be so.
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the concept of rigid
designator is deflated, since any singular term is a rigid designator…
Or, following
what I suggest in chapter II (to avoid problems with the term ‘class’), what I
intend to say is that any arbitrarily chosen trope of red or any other trope of
red precisely like it is also any arbitrarily chosen trope of color or any
other trope of color precisely like it (qualitatively identical to it).